Synonyms for glimco or Related words with glimco

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Examples of "glimco"
Glimco began having legal troubles in 1954. Law enforcement officials first tried to connect him with the slaying of Charles "Cherry Nose" Gioe on August 19, 1954. According to police, Glimco had allegedly ordered the bombing of a Howard Johnson's restaurant at 4240 North Harlem Avenue in Norridge, Illinois, on May 18, 1954, in an attempt to force the construction contractor to employ union labor (specifically, a labor union dominated by Glimco). Gioe, a top Chicago Outfit underboss recently released from prison, ordered Glimco to end his dispute with the contractor and Glimco allegedly had Gioe murdered for this interference in his business. But the investigation ended without any action taken against Glimco.
The 1959 Select Committee hearings did reveal, however, that Glimco had used union monies to fund his legal defense efforts—money Senators and committee investigators said constituted income which Glimco did not report to the Internal Revenue Service. These few facts would later become important in convicting Glimco on tax evasion charges in 1968.
In 1940, Hanley brought Glimco to see Dominic Abata, founder of the taxi drivers' division of Local 777, IBT (which represented many Chicago taxicab drivers). Hanley told Abata to put Glimco on the payroll; intimidated, Abata made Glimco the division's executive director. After Hanley's death in 1944, Glimco began to take over a larger number of the labor rackets in Chicago. He also started to exercise more active control of Taxi Drivers Local 777 as well as the Produce Drivers union. In 1944, Glimco was elected secretary-treasurer of Local 777, and in 1950 became the local's sole pension and welfare fund trustee.
On August 18, 1954, Charles Gioe was shot to death by mafia soldiers controlled by Joseph "Joey" Glimco after he accidentally interfered in a dispute Glimco was having with a contractor building a Howard Johnson's restaurant.
The Gioe investigation led to a major press expose and additional legal actions against Glimco. On August 30, 1954, the "Chicago Daily Tribune" began running a six-part series exposing Glimco's criminal past, mob ties, and infiltration of the Chicago labor movement. "Glimco was well on his way to take over the teamsters unions" until the "Daily Tribune" series exposed him and put a halt to his plans. A grand jury investigation, prompted by the "Daily Tribune" series, opened two days later, and Glimco was indicted on charges of conspiracy and racketeering under the Hobbs Act. Glimco challenged the constitutionality of the Hobbs Act and claimed the statute of limitations had run out, assertions the government contested. The bad press and indictment led the Teamsters international headquarters to conduct two probes into Glimco's union activities, both of which exonerated him of any wrongdoing. A lengthy legal investigation followed the indictment, during which Glimco associates and other witnesses refused to testify, Glimco was alleged to have bribed police to avoid prosecution, and Glimco's legal team made repeated legal motions which delayed the trial for significant periods of time. After a 12-day trial, Glimco was acquitted of all charges on March 26, 1957. Meanwhile, three more federal grand juries began investigating Glimco, looking into additional racketeering charges, his juke box leasing businesses, and the finances of the Fish Handlers & Filleters union.
Glimco's 1959 appearance before the Senate Select Committee on Improper Activities in Labor and Management resulted in his indictment in 1964. The investigation began in the fall of 1961, when federal investigators concluded that Glimco owed $144,000 in back taxes. A federal grand jury indicted him on 17 counts of income tax evasion on December 17, 1964, to which Glimco pleaded not guilty. After a two-year delay, Glimco went on trial, and on June 19, 1968, a federal district court found him liable for $94,465 in back taxes, fines, and penalties. Glimco appealed to the U.S. Supreme Court, but the Court rejected his appeal on December 9, 1968. Glimco delayed paying the taxes and fines for another year, and in February 1970 the federal government filed suit to seize his home and automobile in order to obtain payment. Glimco agreed to pay the taxes, but did not do so until May 1973 (when the amount, plus interest, equalled more than $200,000).
These charges against Glimco were still pending when he died at MacNeal Hospital in Berwyn, Illinois.
An NLRB-supervised union representation election was finally held on July 19, 1961, and Local 777 was ousted as the taxicab drivers' representative. Both Glimco and DUOC promised a clean election, and the NLRB ordered that the election would be by secret ballot. The NLRB also consolidated the ULP case with the election petition, held that Glimco and Local 777 had used coercion against DUOC in the election drive, and ordered Glimco again to refund dues to Yellow and Checker cab drivers.
As Glimco fought the NLRB and DUOC for control of the union, he also faced additional legal challenges. An Illinois grand jury began investigating him for perjury in September 1959, and two indictments were handed down on September 26. Glimco pleaded not guilty, and attempted to quash the indictment but was unsuccessful. Jury selection began in April, the jury was sequestered after being seated, and the trial began on June 27. The jury found Glimco not guilty on June 30, 1960. As the perjury trial wore on, Glimco was investigated yet again for racketerring in the jukebox distribution industry but no charges were filed against him.
Glimco was elected president of Local 777 on March 10, 1958.
The subsequent representation election campaign was a violent one. Widespread assaults, bombings, shootings, arson, and threats were made against DUOC's leaders and supporters in what the press called a "wave of terror". Glimco sued in mid-June to block the election, but both the NLRB and the federal courts refused to do so. Abata won an NLRB hearing on whether to hold the election. But the first day of the hearings (on June 24, 1959) became "one of the wildest hearings in labor history": So many cab drivers attended the hearing that downtown traffic was snarled all day, so many people attended that the hearing had to be switch to a hotel ballroom and then a federal courthouse to maintain order, Glimco's supporters disrupted the proceedings by shouting through bullhorns, and Senate Select Committee investigators served subpoenas on Glimco staff members (who couldn't flee through the crowd to avoid the U.S. Marshals). A greater sense of decorum was observed over the next several weeks as DUOC witnesses testified about the alleged violence and intimidation aimed at them as they sought to oust the Glimco-led Teamsters union. The hearings adjourned for several weeks in July while Abata and Glimco testified at the Senate Select Committee again. On August 13, as the NLRB hearings continued, court-appointed monitors for the Teamsters union ordered Jimmy Hoffa to fire Joey Glimco on grounds of corruption. The following day, a draft NLRB report (stemming from the original 1958 welfare fund ULP) requesting the issuance of numerous ULPs against Glimco and Local 777 was leaked to the press. Hoffa refused to fire Glimco, and the Board of Monitors went to U.S. federal court on August 25 to enforce their order. On September 2, the monitors revised their order, reiterating their demand that Glimco be immediately fired and adding demands that Glimco lose his Teamster membership and forfeit funds, and that Hoffa conduct an immediate investigation into and an audit of Local 777's funds. Glimco defiantly predicted he would never be fired. Hoffa defied the Board of Monitors, refusing to expel Glimco from the union. In fact, even after a year had passed, Hoffa had yet to act on the order to expel Glimco.
Among his numerous aliases were Joey Glimco, "Tough Guy" Glimco, Joseph Glinico, and Joseph Glielmi. He was also known as "Little Tim Murphy," a reference to Timothy "Big Tim" Murphy, a Chicago mobster and labor racketeer (also well known for his close ties to the Teamsters) whom the Chicago Outfit feared and subsequently murdered in 1928.
The Select Committee also investigated the union contracts Glimco negotiated (which the committee felt were sweetheart deals) in June 1958, and Glimco's alleged domination of various Teamster unions in July 1958. But despite this extensive investigation and intense public questioning, however, Glimco was never prosecuted for these allegations.
Meanwhile, the Board of Monitors continued to press its case in court to force Hoffa to expel Glimco from the Teamsters. The monitors won favorable rulings from both the district court and the D.C. Circuit Court of Appeals. On November 16, 1959, the U.S. Supreme Court refused to hear Hoffa's appeal, and the Board of Monitors pledged to move immediately to force Glimco out.
After a three-month lull in the NRLB's activities, NLRB attorneys filed a brief with the Board accusing Glimco of having coerced taxicab drivers into joining the union and paying dues. The NLRB's investigator said Glimco had colluded with Yellow Cab and Checker Cab to negotiate and enforce closed shop clauses in its collective bargaining agreements in violation of the Taft-Hartley Act. The investigator alleged that between $125,000 and $650,000 in dues were illegally collected, and demanded that Glimco refund these dues immediately. The 125-page brief led to a second investigation (this time into the making of loans out of union funds to local leaders in violation of the Landrum-Griffin Act) by Department of Labor attorneys. The new pressures on Glimco and Local 777 led to more death-threats against Abata and other DUOC leaders, On July 21, 1960, an NLRB trial examiner found that Glimco and Local 777 had indeed coerced taxicab drivers into joining the union, and ordered the refund of $750,000 in illegally obtained dues. Glimco immediately appealed the NLRB's order. He was granted a delay on May 30, 1961, and refunded dues to just four cab drivers by June.
His wife survived him and died in 2005. His grandson, James Glimco, was elected President of Local 777 in the 1990s.
Glimco's support of Beck was not strong, however. Glimco began supporting up-and-coming Teamsters official Jimmy Hoffa in the late 1940s. Hoffa was expanding his political base within the Teamsters in preparation for an attempt to unseat incumbent Teamsters President Dave Beck. Hoffa needed to control the delegate-rich locals in Chicago, and to do that he needed Glimco's permission to infiltrate and dominate them. Through his relationship with Paul "Red" Dorfman, president of the Chicago Waste Handlers Union and an associate of Tony Accardo's, Hoffa became a close friend to Glimco and Paul "The Waiter" Ricca. Glimco brokered the deal in which the Chicago Outfit supported Hoffa's organizing drives among Midwestern drivers in exchange for Glimco's access to Local 777's finances. Glimco's actions positioned him to support either man: If Beck won, Glimco's actions in 1952 proved his allegiance to Beck. If Hoffa won, Glimco would have played a critical role in his success.
Glimco's influence spread within the mob and the Chicago labor movement beginning in 1950. That year, Glimco made a strong push to take over the Chicago Federation of Labor, terrorizing influential local labor leaders with repeated bombings and drive-by shootings. Glimco forced Abata out of Local 777 in 1951 by making death threats against him, his wife, and his children, replaced him with cab driver Joe Coca, and in 1952 was employed by the local as a negotiator. He was also elected a delegate to the Chicago Federation of Labor, the Illinois Federation of Labor, and Teamsters Joint Council of Chicago. Through most of the 1950s Glimco was considered "Chicago's top labor racketeer". One top Chicago Teamsters leader noted in 1954, "He is the mob. When he opens his mouth, it's the syndicate talking." Federal law enforcement officials, who had been investigating Glimco since 1943, agreed: "We are investigating Glimco because he represents the syndicate." Glimco attended a meeting of top Chicago Outfit leaders at the home of Tony Accardo in April 1952, and a meeting of the Outfit's top labor racketeers at the home of Murray "The Camel" Humphreys (who supervised the Outfit's labor activities) in 1953. Humphreys was pushed out of active involvement in most organized crime activities in 1954 due to failing eyesight, and Glimco was named his successor. The Chicago Crime Commission estimated Glimaco's income from union salaries, businesses, kickbacks, and extortion payoffs to be $70,000 a month after this takeover. His legitimate business interests (many of which began in 1952) included a chemical company, several laundries, a phonograph record distributor, and a number of jukebox leasing firms.
Joseph Paul Glimco (January 14, 1909 – April 28, 1991) was an Italian American labor leader and well-known organized crime figure based in Chicago, Illinois. He was considered "Chicago's top labor racketeer" in the 1950s. One high-ranking Chicago Teamsters leader noted in 1954, "He is the mob. When he opens his mouth, it's the syndicate talking." Glimco was active in the International Brotherhood of Teamsters (IBT) and a close associate of Teamsters president Jimmy Hoffa. He was a capo in the Chicago Outfit, an organized crime syndicate, and oversaw the syndicate's labor racketeering efforts. He worked closely with Tony "Joe Batters" Accardo, who led the Chicago Outfit from 1943 to 1957, and Sam "Momo" Giancana, who led the syndicate from 1957 to 1966. A United States Senate committee once claimed that Glimco ran "the nation's most corrupt union."
Glimco had an extensive career as a labor racketeer in the 1930s. By 1930, he had become an established "labor slugger," assaulting or threatening to assault union members or employers in order to help organized crime gain control of labor unions. One of his chief soldiers was Dominic Senese. Probably his first assignment was to help the Chicago Outfit run the Commission Drivers Union, IBT. Soon thereafter, Glimco became a protégé of William J. "Witt" Hanley, secretary-treasurer of the Produce, Fresh & Frozen Fruits & Vegetables, Fish, Butter, Eggs, Cheese & Poultry Drivers Union, Local 703, IBT. Hanley had strong mob ties, and Local 703 president William "Klondike" O'Donnell was a notorious gangster. Glimco became the "office manager" for the Poultry Handlers Union, IBT, in 1933, organizer for the Poultry Handlers in 1937, and later an organizer for the Poultry Drivers and the Fish Handlers & Filleters unions as well. Both locals were part of the Amalgamated Meat Cutters and Butcher Workmen national union. Among his frequent associates were a number of other labor leaders and staff with strong ties to organized crime. Glimco was overseeing the extortion of the city's Fulton Street and Randolph Street poultry dealers by 1934, and two years later was such a prominent labor racketeer that the "Chicago Daily Tribune" named him one of Al Capone's chief soldiers. After Capone went to prison in 1931, Glimco openly associated with the titular head of the Chicago mob, Frank Nitti (a relationship that only ended with Nitti's suicide in 1943).